Zimbabwean culture, like many cultures in sub-Saharan Africa, places a high value on procreation. Child-bearing is regarded as a rite of passage into becoming a normal adult member of society.

As a result, reproductive health choices and practices often play second fiddle to pressures to reproduce that are exerted by traditional and cultural norms. Usually, these pressures are covert so they tend to be ignored in the design of reproductive health programs and interventions.

Reproductive health generally implies that people are able to have a responsible, satisfying and safe sex life and that they have the capability to reproduce and the freedom to decide if, when and how often to do so.

But in Zimbabwe, men and women’s ability to exercise this right is curtailed by the unseen force of tradition and culture.

In many parts of the country, a woman is expected to have been married at roughly age 24, and within two years of marriage is expected to have a child. Young women, in spite of their educational status, are under immense pressure to fulfill this social expectation. On the other hand, a man who goes beyond 30 without getting married or having a child attracts significant social ridicule.

Failure to procreate especially in a marriage, even if it is by choice, is interpreted in negative light and is equated to reproductive health failure. For a man, becoming a father is associated with a sense of achievement, and failure to reproduce severely undermines the sense of masculinity. A woman’s place within a marriage is regarded as secure when she reproduces. If she fails to do so, she can become ostracized within the household and community.

“Failure to reproduce can strain family and other social relationships, particularly when the negative views of extended family members are taken to heart,” says a study conducted in Zimbabwe in 2001 titled Culture, Identity and Reproductive Failure in Zimbabwe.

“Generally speaking, about one year after entry into marriage or a stable sexual partnership, others expect there to be a child, irrespective of the reproductive choices of the partners.”

It is clear that traditional and cultural attitudes play a significant role in how both men and women construct their reproductive capabilities and choices.

As Danielle Toppin notes “given the often covert nature of socialization, certain gendered behaviours are often left untouched, resulting in reproductive health policies that fail to meet the specific needs of women, and of men”.

In Zimbabwe, the family, a primary unit of socialization, is often the root of pressure for men and women to prove that they can reproduce. The desire to conceive in order to gain social acceptance is given preference to adopting tools and methods that promote safe sex.

The social pressure on women to become pregnant and give birth leads them into conditions of vulnerability, where they have to acquiesce to their partner’s sexual demands. It can also lead men to have multiple sexual encounters exposing them to a high risk of contracting HIV.

Put simply, the effectiveness of sexual and reproductive health tools is inhibited by culturally and socially constructed layers that define people’s sexual behaviors.

However, instead of being an impediment, culture can be used as a stepping stone to promote reproductive health rights. To have effective reproductive health programs, therefore, a full understanding of a given society’s values and beliefs is required.

There’s need for an approach that is sensitive to contextual, cultural, traditional and gender practices that impact on reproductive health choices.

The traditional, spiritual and cultural beliefs that shape and define sexual identities and attitudes towards sexual and reproductive health need to be given serious attention in the design of programs and interventions. Traversing the cultural and traditional can be very difficult and requires a lot of sensitivity, investment and patience.

It’s imperative to involve the target communities in the design and implementation of reproductive health policy, planning and practice in order to challenge cultural norms that may put women and men at risk. 

 ”If you’re a man, get cut today”

Male circumcision (the cutting of the foreskin from the male penis) is increasingly gaining currency among medical researchers as an alternative method to reduce HIV-infection.

But will this solution really work? 

Researchers say that if all men in sub-Saharan Africa — the worst HIV/AIDS affected region in the world — were circumcised over the next decade, roughly two million new infections and 300 000 deaths could be averted. 

An additional 3.7 million new HIV infections and 2.7 million deaths could be avoided in 20 years.

Put simply, while the benefit of male circumcision to an individual man is immediate, a large scale impact of the intervention will be realized in two decades. 

AIDS risk lowered by 60% 

In fact, evidence from observational studies in sub-Saharan Africa has shown that circumcised men have a lower risk of acquiring HIV infection than uncircumcised men. A study in South Africa showed that male circumcision might reduce by about 60 percent the risk of men contracting HIV through sexual intercourse with women. 

The study focused on 3000 HIV-negative, uncircumcised men ages 18 to 24 living in a South African township. Of these, half were randomly selected for circumcision while the other half remained uncircumcised and served as a control group. 

For every 10 uncircumcised men who contracted HIV, about three circumcised men contracted the virus. Researchers believed the findings were so significant they deemed it was unethical to proceed without offering the option to all males in the study. 

The argument is that the inner surface of the penile foreskin contains Langerhans cells, which have HIV receptors, and is also vulnerable to disruptions during intercourse. Second, an intact foreskin exposes a man to a greater risk of ulcerative sexually transmitted infections, which in themselves are a risk factor for HIV acquisition.

Furthermore, the virus’ chances of survival might be higher in a warm, wet environment like the one under the foreskin. 

How will it affect society? 

The evidence that circumcision may protect against HIV infection is now considered strong enough that further trials evaluating the efficacy of circumcision as part of an HIV prevention program have been advocated.

This could herald a new era in HIV-prevention methods. But the question remains: what are the societal implications of such a solution? 

Male circumcision has been practiced extensively in some sub-Saharan communities in rites of passage ceremonies from boyhood to manhood. The gruesome circumstances under which such practices occur may be exacerbated in the light of this new evidence. Other communities have not practiced it at all. 

However, qualitative studies in the Botswana, Haiti, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe revealed positive attitudes toward male circumcision in populations that do not traditionally practice it.

From 45 to 85 percent of uncircumcised men in surveys expressed interest in the procedure if it is safe and affordable. In spite of the interest in male circumcision, it is not a magic bullet in the fight against HIV-infection. To be effective, circumcision has to be promoted alongside condom use and faithfulness, long-established approaches in the fight against HIV. 

Education and money will be essential 

Some men may be tempted to engage in unprotected sex because they perceive they are protected by male circumcision. And some women may get a false sense of security when having sex with a circumcised man. 

In itself, male circumcision provides little or no protection against urethral STDs such as gonorrhea and chlamydia and certainly cannot prevent unwanted pregnancies. This issue will need to be strongly emphasized in social campaigns. 

To be successful, male circumcision will have to be complemented by a massive investment into education and counseling programs. There will be need for widespread and culturally sensitive dissemination of information that outlines the benefits and potential complications of male circumcision. 

Another danger is that male circumcision can be risky or fatal if conducted by untrained personnel. There’s no doubt that with increased knowledge of male circumcision as a barrier against HIV, many men will try to perform it on their own.

There will be obviously costs involved in getting circumcised which some people will try to circumvent. Circumcising large numbers of adult men will be a major undertaking. If circumcision is not performed correctly it will increase the risk of infection.

A major surgical system infrastructure needs to be developed. Who will fund this and how long will it take? Also, most health facilities in sub-Saharan Africa are in a shambles and ill-equipped to perform widespread male circumcision.

In addition, there’s also lack of social acceptability of circumcision in many of the sub-Saharan communities that have not traditionally practiced it. Besides the safety and acceptability issues, perhaps the greatest drawback is the financial means required to undertake circumcision whole scale.

Male circumcision will come with high costs through social mobilization efforts and upgrading of medical facilities. The more the men get circumcised, the more the success — and that’s tough ground. 

Imagine the social marketing message: If you’re a man, get cut today.

Tuberculosis (TB) has a major impact on women’s sexual reproductive health and that of their children.

For pregnant women living in areas with high TB infection rates, there are increased chances of transmission of TB to a child before, during delivery or after birth.

The disease, especially if associated with HIV, also accounts for a high incidence of maternal and infant mortality.

Unfortunately, there is little to no attention about women’s vulnerability in the current discussion and media blitz of a resurgent TB internationally, and in particular, sub-Saharan Africa.

In sub-Saharan Africa, TB is threatening to unravel public health developments gains around increased HIV awareness yet the solutions are not easy, particularly where they concern the well-being of women.

There is need for huge financial, human, research and technological investments to fight the problem, but such investments will work only if they radically put women’s health needs at the core.

More importantly is the need to align TB services and sexual reproductive health services, so that men and women know about the implications of the disease to their sexual lives and households.

In sub-Saharan Africa, however, there are pervasive systemic factors driving TB and drug resistance which cannot be ignored in the search of an effective solution to the problem.

A myriad of social and economic factors, as well as weaknesses in the health care system, inadequate laboratories combined with high HIV infection rates are fueling the resurgence of the TB in the region. Food insecurity, poor sanitation and overcrowding also contribute to the easy spread of the disease.

According to WHO, although Africa has only 11% of the world’s population, it accounts for more than a quarter of the global TB burden with an estimated 2.4 million TB cases and 540,000 TB deaths annually.

Governments in the region are grappling with inadequate infrastructure and the increasing threat of drug-resistant strains and co-infection with HIV.

HIV infection increases the likelihood of active TB more than 50-fold. An estimated one-third of the 24.5 million people living with HIV (PLHIV) in sub-Saharan Africa also have TB.

For women in the region, the prospect of a growing TB epidemic is harrowing, but discussion about the disease rarely sheds light nor seeks to address women’s specific needs.

Given the high rates of HIV infection among women in the region - the majority of people living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa (61% or 13,1 million) are women – it is clear that they are the largest group at threat to develop active TB, and more likely drug resistance.

Even with the availability of TB drugs women’s socio-economic status and gender roles including child-bearing and caring puts them at high risk of both HIV and TB infection.

For many women in the region, the costs required to access health care centers for TB treatment are usually out of reach due to poverty and undermined socio-economic positions.

The social stigma associated with a TB diagnosis and its association with HIV forces both men and women to delay going to get tested for the disease. In some cases, when men in marital relationships test positive for TB, they are likely to withhold the information, thereby increasing the likelihood to spread the disease to both their partner and children.

Moreover, women in the region are largely responsible for the upkeep of the family, including looking after children, which may also affect consistent uptake of TB drugs. When a woman is infected with TB, the likelihood of spreading the disease to young children is very high.

An additional concern for women is that the uptake of TB drugs interferes with contraceptive use, pregnancy, and fertility.

According to researchers, Rimfampicin, a key component of TB treatment can reduce the effectiveness of oral contraceptive pills and possibly other hormonal methods, such as implants, injectables and emergency contraception.

TB in pregnant women not only increases the rate of maternal mortality, but is also a major factor contributing to the risk of mother-to-child transmission of the disease.

A study conducted in South Africa revealed mother-to child-transmission of TB in 15% of infants born to a study cohort of pregnant women in which 77% were HIV-infected. Maternal HIV/TB coinfection also increases the risk of mother-to child transmission of HIV.

Screening and treatment for TB in pregnant women at antenatal clinics must therefore be a major public health priority in the region. Information about TB needs to be an integral component of sexual reproductive health services.

To be precise, women infected with TB need to be empowered so that they can take control of their own care and lives.

In many parts of the world, women who have an unwanted pregnancy often find themselves caught up in an isolated and agonizing situation, left alone to decide whether to have a child that they may not be able to support or have an abortion.  

According to the UN, although abortion is commonly practiced throughout most of the world and has been practiced since long before the beginning of recorded history, it is a subject that arouses passion and controversy. 

In Zimbabwe, as in many sub-Saharan African countries, abortion, except in cases of rape, incest, fetal impairment, or to preserve a woman’s health, is illegal - and if caught, women face jail terms.

As a result, many women resort to clandestine, unsafe and life-threatening abortion methods. Backyard abortions are so rife in Zimbabwe in spite of the laws that prohibit the practice, putting the life of women, particularly young women, at risk.

UNICEF estimates that 70,000 illegal abortions take place in the country every year. In sub-Saharan Africa, 70% of women who end up in hospital after an unsafe abortion are under 20. 

Marie Stopes International reports that the risk of death from unsafe abortion is higher in Africa than any other region: nearly half of global maternal deaths related to abortion occur in the region. 

“Unsafe abortion has the highest impact in developing countries whose citizens lack widespread access to high-quality medical care,” the group reports. 

Given the high rates of HIV infection among women in the region - the majority of people living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa (61% or 13,1 million) are women - governments will have to adopt progressive pro-adoption policies. 

In the absence of Prevention of Parent to Child Transmission (PPTCT) methods, there will likely be an increased demand for abortion services. And, thus, there is need to set up abortion clinics and ensure access to safe abortions. 

“Women living with HIV seek abortion care for the same myriad reasons as all other women. Additionally, the same factors that make some women vulnerable to HIV also often increase their need for access to safe abortion services,” says Barbara Crane, Ipas executive vice president for technical leadership and advocacy.  

Having said that, young women - in particular - left with little choice, face immense pressure to terminate unwanted pregnancies.

Traditional and cultural norms highly stigmatize and discriminate against children born out of wedlock further putting pressure on young women who fall pregnant before marriage to opt for abortion - either conducted by untrained persons or self-inflicted. 

Abortions are usually conducted in unregulated and unsanitary conditions and with methods that kill the young women or render them infertile for the rest of their lives.

To put it bluntly, clandestine abortions are a leading cause of maternal mortality in the country. According to a UNICEF report, illegal, self-inflicted abortion methods are thought to include the consumption of detergents, strong tea, alcohol mixes and malaria tablets; other methods include the use of knitting needles, sharpened reeds and hangers. 

The termination of the pregnancy is permitted in circumstances where a pregnancy endangers the life of a woman or where there is a serious risk that if the child to be born would suffer from a physical or mental defect of such a nature as to be severely handicapped. 

In addition, the termination of pregnancy is permitted if the fetus is conceived as a result of unlawful “intercourse,” defined as rape, incest or intercourse with a mentally handicapped woman. 

Given the high rates of maternal mortality attributed to unsafe abortions in the country, there is need for treating abortion as an issue of health and welfare as opposed to one of crime and punishment in order to save women’s lives. 

The fact is that even though abortion is criminalized, young women affected by high levels of poverty and the social undesirability of children born out of wedlock, resort to abortion as a way to manage their lives and livelihoods.  

According to analysts, abortion laws which are traceable to colonial regimes in sub-Saharan Africa need to be reformed in order to safeguard the rights of women. However, removing women’s criminal liability for abortion is only but one part of the solution.

There is need for widespread educational campaigns about contraceptive methods that are available to women. Access to the methods must be made as easy as possible to women who may face social condemnation for using contraceptives within their communities. 

Also, evidence in countries such as Nepal shows that provision of comprehensive care and support and approving clinics where women can have an abortion safely can significantly reduce the number of women that die due to pregnancy-related causes.  

All in all, a liberalized law in Zimbabwe can help to avert the high rates of injury and death among women associated with unsafe abortion.